考研閱讀高分十二大策略之態(tài)度原則
三、態(tài)度原則
命題專家命題時(shí)，為了驗(yàn)證考生到底有沒有讀懂文章，會(huì)就整個(gè)文章或某個(gè)語(yǔ)言區(qū)域相對(duì)較為主觀的態(tài)度設(shè)問。作者態(tài)度題有兩種題型：
1.文章作者態(tài)度題
這種題目對(duì)考生而言難度較大，迷惑性也較強(qiáng)，因?yàn)槊}專家是針對(duì)整篇文章設(shè)問，考生很難找到具體對(duì)應(yīng)的語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)，所以要把握整篇文章。
例如作者在談一件事時(shí)是用反諷的口氣，還是贊成的語(yǔ)氣，此類題所給的答案選項(xiàng)一般是四個(gè)形容詞，考生應(yīng)在審題時(shí)就把握好這四個(gè)形容詞所表達(dá)的意思，然后返回文章去尋找感覺。特別提醒考生要牢記所遇到的構(gòu)成作者態(tài)度題選項(xiàng)的每一個(gè)形容詞。
做文章作者態(tài)度題時(shí)，千萬(wàn)不要把考生自己的態(tài)度揉進(jìn)文章中，同時(shí)要注意區(qū)分作者本人的態(tài)度與作者引用的觀點(diǎn)態(tài)度。文章作者態(tài)度是作者說話的口氣(tone)，不是考某一個(gè)語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)，而是文章中數(shù)個(gè)語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)串起來的一根線給讀者的整體感覺。
例
could the bad old days of economic decline be about to return? since opec agreed to supply_cuts in march， the price of crude oil has jumped to almost $26 a barrel， up from less than $10 last december. this near_tripling of oil prices calls up scary memories of the 1973 oil shock， when prices quadrupled， and 19791980， when they also almost tripled. both previous shocks resulted in double_digit inflation and global economic decline. so where are the headlines warning of gloom and doom this time?
the oil price was given another push up this week when iraq suspended oil exports. strengthening economic growth， at the same time as winter grips the northern hemisphere， could push the price higher still in the short term.
yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the 1970s. in most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the 1970s. in europe， taxes account for up to four_fifths of the retail price， so even quite big changes in the price of crude have a more muted effect on pump prices than in the past.
rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were， and so less sensitive to swings in the oil price. energy conservation， a shift to other fuels and a decline in the importance of heavy， energy_intensive industries have reduced oil consumption. software， consultancy and mobile telephones use far less oil than steel or car production. for each dollar of gdp (in constant prices) rich economies now use nearly 50% less oil than in 1973. the oecd estimates in its latest economic outlook that， if oil prices average $22 a barrel for a full year， compared with $13 in 1998， this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25%-0.5% of gdp. that is less than one_quarter of the income loss in 1974 or 1980. on the other hand， oil_importing emerging economiesto which heavy industry has shiftedhave become more energy_intensive， and so could be more seriously squeezed.
one more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that， unlike the rises in the 1970s， it has not occurred against the backbone of general commodity_price inflation and global excess demand. a sizable portion of the world is only just emerging from economic decline. the economists commodity price index is broadly unchanging from a year ago. in 1973 commodity prices jumped by 70%， and in 1979 by almost 30%.
from the text we can see that the writer seems .
optimistic
sensitive
gloomy
scared
a
2.局部作者態(tài)度題
此類題目考查考生對(duì)局部細(xì)節(jié)所體現(xiàn)出的作者態(tài)度的理解，因此做此類題時(shí)，考生不能再像前一種態(tài)度題一樣去找感覺，而應(yīng)當(dāng)回到文章局部上，落到實(shí)處。
例
in the last half of the nineteenth century，capitalandlabourwere enlarging and perfecting their rival organisations on modern lines. many an old firm was replaced by a limited liability company with a bureaucracy of salaried managers. the change met the technical requirements of the new age by engaging a large professional element and prevented the decline in efficiency that so commonly spoiled the fortunes of family firms in the second and third generation after the energetic founders. it was moreover a step away from individual initiative， towards collectivism and municipal and state_owned business. the railway companies， though still private business managed for the benefit of shareholders， were very unlike old family business!at the same time the great municipalities went into business to supply lighting， trams and other services to the taxpayers.
the growth of the limited liability company and municipal business had important consequences. such large， impersonal manipulation of capital and industry greatly increased the numbers and importance of shareholders as a class， an element in national life representing irresponsible wealth detached from the land and the duties of the landowners; and almost equally detached from the responsible management of business. all through the nineteenth century， america， africa， india， australia and parts of europe were being developed by british capital， and british shareholders were thus enriched by the worlds movement towards industrialisation. towns like bournemouth and eastbourne sprang up to house largecomfortableclasses who had retired on their incomes， and who had no relation to the rest of the community except that of drawing dividends and occasionally attending a shareholders meeting to dictate their orders to the management. on the other handshareholdingmeant leisure and freedom which was used by many of the later victorians for the highest purpose of a great civilisation.
theshareholdersas such had no knowledge of the lives， thoughts or needs of the workmen employed by the company in which they held shares， and their influence on the relations of capital and labour was not good. the paid manager acting for the company was in more direct relation with the men and their demands， but even he had seldom that familiar personal knowledge of the workmen which the employer had often had under the more patriarchal system of the old family business now passing away. indeed the mere size of operations and the numbers of workmen involved rendered such personal relations impossible. fortunately， however， the increasing power and organisation of the trade unions， at least in all skilled trades， enabled the workmen to meet on equal terms the managers of the companies who employed them. the cruel discipline of the strike and lockout taught the two parties to respect each others strength and understand the value of fair negotiation.
the author is most critical of .
family firm owners
landowners
managers
shareholders
d
在談到family firm owners時(shí)，作者只是說：通過雇用一大批專業(yè)人員，這一變化適應(yīng)了新時(shí)代的技術(shù)要求，防止了效率的下降。而效率的下降通常是家族公司在精力充沛的創(chuàng)立者之后的第二三代破產(chǎn)的原因。這是很客觀的表述，在談到landowners時(shí)說：對(duì)資本與企業(yè)的如此大規(guī)模的非個(gè)人運(yùn)作大大增加了作為一個(gè)階層的持股人的數(shù)量及地位的重要性。
國(guó)民生活中這一現(xiàn)象的出現(xiàn)代表了不由個(gè)人負(fù)責(zé)的財(cái)富與土地及土地所有者的義務(wù)的分離，這也在同樣程度上意味著(不由個(gè)人負(fù)責(zé)的財(cái)富)與經(jīng)營(yíng)管理責(zé)任的分離。也是很客觀的表述，沒有表明自己的態(tài)度。c選項(xiàng)在原文中有兩處提及，但都是指帶薪經(jīng)理，對(duì)經(jīng)理并沒有進(jìn)行任何批評(píng)性評(píng)論，因而也不符合題意。只有d選項(xiàng)對(duì)應(yīng)原文中theshareholdersas such had no knowledge of the lives， thoughts or needs of the workmen employed by the company in which he held shares， and his influence on the relations of capital and labour was not good.像這樣的持股人對(duì)所持股票公司雇用的工人的生活，思想和需求一無所知，他對(duì)資本與勞工關(guān)系沒有什么好的影響。顯然，作者對(duì)這種持股人持批判的態(tài)度，所以d是正確答案。實(shí)際上，1996年第62題命題也可以直接以下面的形式出現(xiàn)：
the authors attitude towards shareholders is.
biasedpositivesympatheticcritical
三、態(tài)度原則
命題專家命題時(shí)，為了驗(yàn)證考生到底有沒有讀懂文章，會(huì)就整個(gè)文章或某個(gè)語(yǔ)言區(qū)域相對(duì)較為主觀的態(tài)度設(shè)問。作者態(tài)度題有兩種題型：
1.文章作者態(tài)度題
這種題目對(duì)考生而言難度較大，迷惑性也較強(qiáng)，因?yàn)槊}專家是針對(duì)整篇文章設(shè)問，考生很難找到具體對(duì)應(yīng)的語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)，所以要把握整篇文章。
例如作者在談一件事時(shí)是用反諷的口氣，還是贊成的語(yǔ)氣，此類題所給的答案選項(xiàng)一般是四個(gè)形容詞，考生應(yīng)在審題時(shí)就把握好這四個(gè)形容詞所表達(dá)的意思，然后返回文章去尋找感覺。特別提醒考生要牢記所遇到的構(gòu)成作者態(tài)度題選項(xiàng)的每一個(gè)形容詞。
做文章作者態(tài)度題時(shí)，千萬(wàn)不要把考生自己的態(tài)度揉進(jìn)文章中，同時(shí)要注意區(qū)分作者本人的態(tài)度與作者引用的觀點(diǎn)態(tài)度。文章作者態(tài)度是作者說話的口氣(tone)，不是考某一個(gè)語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)，而是文章中數(shù)個(gè)語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)串起來的一根線給讀者的整體感覺。
例
could the bad old days of economic decline be about to return? since opec agreed to supply_cuts in march， the price of crude oil has jumped to almost $26 a barrel， up from less than $10 last december. this near_tripling of oil prices calls up scary memories of the 1973 oil shock， when prices quadrupled， and 19791980， when they also almost tripled. both previous shocks resulted in double_digit inflation and global economic decline. so where are the headlines warning of gloom and doom this time?
the oil price was given another push up this week when iraq suspended oil exports. strengthening economic growth， at the same time as winter grips the northern hemisphere， could push the price higher still in the short term.
yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the 1970s. in most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the 1970s. in europe， taxes account for up to four_fifths of the retail price， so even quite big changes in the price of crude have a more muted effect on pump prices than in the past.
rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were， and so less sensitive to swings in the oil price. energy conservation， a shift to other fuels and a decline in the importance of heavy， energy_intensive industries have reduced oil consumption. software， consultancy and mobile telephones use far less oil than steel or car production. for each dollar of gdp (in constant prices) rich economies now use nearly 50% less oil than in 1973. the oecd estimates in its latest economic outlook that， if oil prices average $22 a barrel for a full year， compared with $13 in 1998， this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25%-0.5% of gdp. that is less than one_quarter of the income loss in 1974 or 1980. on the other hand， oil_importing emerging economiesto which heavy industry has shiftedhave become more energy_intensive， and so could be more seriously squeezed.
one more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that， unlike the rises in the 1970s， it has not occurred against the backbone of general commodity_price inflation and global excess demand. a sizable portion of the world is only just emerging from economic decline. the economists commodity price index is broadly unchanging from a year ago. in 1973 commodity prices jumped by 70%， and in 1979 by almost 30%.
from the text we can see that the writer seems .
optimistic
sensitive
gloomy
scared
a
2.局部作者態(tài)度題
此類題目考查考生對(duì)局部細(xì)節(jié)所體現(xiàn)出的作者態(tài)度的理解，因此做此類題時(shí)，考生不能再像前一種態(tài)度題一樣去找感覺，而應(yīng)當(dāng)回到文章局部上，落到實(shí)處。
例
in the last half of the nineteenth century，capitalandlabourwere enlarging and perfecting their rival organisations on modern lines. many an old firm was replaced by a limited liability company with a bureaucracy of salaried managers. the change met the technical requirements of the new age by engaging a large professional element and prevented the decline in efficiency that so commonly spoiled the fortunes of family firms in the second and third generation after the energetic founders. it was moreover a step away from individual initiative， towards collectivism and municipal and state_owned business. the railway companies， though still private business managed for the benefit of shareholders， were very unlike old family business!at the same time the great municipalities went into business to supply lighting， trams and other services to the taxpayers.
the growth of the limited liability company and municipal business had important consequences. such large， impersonal manipulation of capital and industry greatly increased the numbers and importance of shareholders as a class， an element in national life representing irresponsible wealth detached from the land and the duties of the landowners; and almost equally detached from the responsible management of business. all through the nineteenth century， america， africa， india， australia and parts of europe were being developed by british capital， and british shareholders were thus enriched by the worlds movement towards industrialisation. towns like bournemouth and eastbourne sprang up to house largecomfortableclasses who had retired on their incomes， and who had no relation to the rest of the community except that of drawing dividends and occasionally attending a shareholders meeting to dictate their orders to the management. on the other handshareholdingmeant leisure and freedom which was used by many of the later victorians for the highest purpose of a great civilisation.
theshareholdersas such had no knowledge of the lives， thoughts or needs of the workmen employed by the company in which they held shares， and their influence on the relations of capital and labour was not good. the paid manager acting for the company was in more direct relation with the men and their demands， but even he had seldom that familiar personal knowledge of the workmen which the employer had often had under the more patriarchal system of the old family business now passing away. indeed the mere size of operations and the numbers of workmen involved rendered such personal relations impossible. fortunately， however， the increasing power and organisation of the trade unions， at least in all skilled trades， enabled the workmen to meet on equal terms the managers of the companies who employed them. the cruel discipline of the strike and lockout taught the two parties to respect each others strength and understand the value of fair negotiation.
the author is most critical of .
family firm owners
landowners
managers
shareholders
d
在談到family firm owners時(shí)，作者只是說：通過雇用一大批專業(yè)人員，這一變化適應(yīng)了新時(shí)代的技術(shù)要求，防止了效率的下降。而效率的下降通常是家族公司在精力充沛的創(chuàng)立者之后的第二三代破產(chǎn)的原因。這是很客觀的表述，在談到landowners時(shí)說：對(duì)資本與企業(yè)的如此大規(guī)模的非個(gè)人運(yùn)作大大增加了作為一個(gè)階層的持股人的數(shù)量及地位的重要性。
國(guó)民生活中這一現(xiàn)象的出現(xiàn)代表了不由個(gè)人負(fù)責(zé)的財(cái)富與土地及土地所有者的義務(wù)的分離，這也在同樣程度上意味著(不由個(gè)人負(fù)責(zé)的財(cái)富)與經(jīng)營(yíng)管理責(zé)任的分離。也是很客觀的表述，沒有表明自己的態(tài)度。c選項(xiàng)在原文中有兩處提及，但都是指帶薪經(jīng)理，對(duì)經(jīng)理并沒有進(jìn)行任何批評(píng)性評(píng)論，因而也不符合題意。只有d選項(xiàng)對(duì)應(yīng)原文中theshareholdersas such had no knowledge of the lives， thoughts or needs of the workmen employed by the company in which he held shares， and his influence on the relations of capital and labour was not good.像這樣的持股人對(duì)所持股票公司雇用的工人的生活，思想和需求一無所知，他對(duì)資本與勞工關(guān)系沒有什么好的影響。顯然，作者對(duì)這種持股人持批判的態(tài)度，所以d是正確答案。實(shí)際上，1996年第62題命題也可以直接以下面的形式出現(xiàn)：
the authors attitude towards shareholders is.
biasedpositivesympatheticcritical
