2023考研英語閱讀食物不是炸彈
Food not bomb
食物不是炸彈
Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza: Engaging the Islamist Social Sector. By Sara Roy.
加沙的伊斯蘭抵抗運動與公民社會：參與伊斯蘭主義社會事業。薩拉羅伊著。
Few would expect an Islamic charity to offer workshops on sexuality and ways for disabled people to improve their sex lives. But the al-Wafa hospital in Gaza has been providing this service for years, and it is hardly atypical. Many assume that Islamic charities are merely a guise for promoting terrorism, writes Sara Roy, a Middle East scholar at Harvard. In her new book about social services in Gaza, based on trips to the strip over the past 15 years, she argues that the reality is more complex.
幾乎沒有人意想到伊斯蘭教慈善團體會向殘疾人士提供關于性方面的講習班以及改善性生活的方法。但是在加沙的以色列的醫院已經提供此項服務很多年了，所以這已成為司空見慣的事請了。很多人認為伊斯蘭教的慈善團體只不過是促進恐怖主義的偽裝，也正如一個在哈佛的中東學者薩拉羅伊所寫那樣。在關于加沙社會福利事業的新書中，基于她過去15年去加沙地帶的出行，她認為現實情況更復雜。
Palestinians are pragmatic when it comes to social care. Many go from one organisation to the nextboth Islamic and secularto scavenge as much support as they can, regardless of politics or ideology. Parents often choose religious schools and hospitals because the services are better there than those provided by secular NGOs or the feeble Palestinian state. Palestinians of all social classes, including the secular and the wealthy, send their children to Islamic schools, just like many agnostic London parents send their children to church schools renowned for their discipline and education.
一提到社會福利，巴勒斯坦人就很現實。無論哪種政治還是意識形態，許多人從一個組織轉向下一個組織盡可能搜尋到較多的支持者。父母通常會選擇宗教學校和醫院，因為其服務比民間的非政府組織或低效率的的巴勒斯坦政府所提供的好。各個階層的巴基斯坦人，包括平民和富人，都把他們的孩子送去伊斯蘭學校，正如很多倫敦的不可知論者把他們的孩子送去以嚴格的紀律和良好的教育著稱的教會學校一樣。
Some employees of Islamic NGOs sound equally sanguine about the role of religion. One director of an organisation that distributes money, clothing and food to the poor tells Ms Roy that beyond appropriate dress and respectful behaviour , he was not concerned with the religious purity of those he served. He is happy to help anyone in need: if we discriminate we become fanatics.
一些伊斯蘭非政府組織的從業人員對宗教的地位的看法聽起來同樣也很樂觀。一個給窮人分配錢、衣服和食物的組織理事告訴羅伊女士，除了合適的衣服和恭敬的行為，他并不在乎他服務的人的宗教虔誠度。他很高興可以幫助任何有需要的人：如果我們歧視他們，我們就會成為盲信者。
The social work that Hamas does has certainly empowered the organisation. But Ms Roy argues that this indirect appeal for votes is very different from mobilising people into collective action in support of an activist Islamist agenda. It is not as if Hamas uses its social institutions to launch political or military activities, she adds.
哈馬斯所提供的社會服務肯定已經給這個組織授予了權力。但是羅伊女士認為這種間接的請求選舉的行為與動員人們參加集體行動來支持伊斯蘭激進主義分子的基礎的意識方案不同。她還說這不像伊斯蘭抵抗派利用其社會制度來開展政治或軍事活動。
When Ms Roy began conducting research in Gaza 25 years ago, she found little popular support for a political agenda built on Islam. A determined secular streak runs through Palestinian society, she maintains. Rather than Palestinians becoming more Islamist, Hamas has had to broaden its definition of Islam and Muslimness in order to claim and maintain as large a number of adherents as possible. As a movement that is political at heart, not religious, Hamas has been forced to de-ideologise Islam and appeal to more practical needs to ensure its political survival.
羅伊女士25年前開始在加沙進行研究，她發現很少人支持基于伊斯蘭教的政治議程。她認為一個堅定的世俗傾向貫穿于整個巴勒斯坦社會。伊斯蘭抵抗運動不得不擴大伊斯蘭教和伊斯蘭人的定義，目的在于擁有和保持盡可能多的信徒，而不是使巴勒斯坦人成為伊斯蘭教主義者。作為一個本質上是政治而非宗教的運動，哈馬斯被迫減少伊斯蘭教的思想意識并且要求更多的實質需要來確保其政治生存。
But Hamas s hegemony is now under threat. Gaza s radical Muslim Salafists accuse the group of political and religious treason, claiming that by engaging in elections and in governing Gaza, Hamas has undermined both its nationalist and Islamic credentials. Desperate to contain the Salafists and remain the sole agent of political and social Islam in Palestine, Hamas has encouraged, albeit carefully and cautiously, the greater Islamisation of Gazan society. This is done largely through its social arm, by enforcing conservative dresscodes in schools, banning alcohol and warning against dating.
但是哈馬斯的領導權現在受到威脅。加沙激進的穆斯林薩拉斯菲特者指控這個組織政治和宗教的不忠，聲稱他們通過參加選舉和統治加沙，暗地里傷害其民族主義者和伊斯蘭的信心。哈馬斯不顧一切地牽制薩拉斯菲特人并且保持伊斯蘭在巴勒斯坦的政治和社會獨家代理的地位。即使哈馬斯很小心和謹慎，但是他們仍然鼓勵加沙社會變得更伊斯蘭化。這一舉動絕大部分地通過社會武裝，例如在學校實施保守的服裝規則，禁止喝酒和警告不準約會。
Ms Roy strives not to speak for Palestinians, but to let their voices reverberate. One woman tells her, This is what you must teach others. That we are no different than you. These are the book s most powerful moments, and one of its great strengths. Palestinians appear not simply as victims but as ordinary human beings with typical needs and concerns amid extraordinary circumstances. Ms Roy s work is one of academic scholarship, rigorous and precise, and not designed for the speedy turn of pages. But this is an important book, which challenges lazy views about the Palestinians and highlights how they go about securing basic services.
羅伊女士并非要設法為巴勒斯坦人說話,她只是努力讓他們的聲音產生廣泛的影響。一位婦女告訴她，這就是你必須教別人的東西。我們和你沒什么不同。這些就是這本書最強有力的片段了，也是它主要的優勢。巴勒斯坦人不僅僅是受害者，而是在這特別的環境下有著常人的需求和憂慮的平凡人。羅伊女士的作品是一門嚴謹精確的學術學問，而不是用來快速瀏覽的書籍。但這是一本重要的書，它不僅向關于巴勒斯坦人未經深思熟慮的觀點挑戰，而且強調他們如何繼續保衛基本社會福利事業。
Food not bomb
食物不是炸彈
Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza: Engaging the Islamist Social Sector. By Sara Roy.
加沙的伊斯蘭抵抗運動與公民社會：參與伊斯蘭主義社會事業。薩拉羅伊著。
Few would expect an Islamic charity to offer workshops on sexuality and ways for disabled people to improve their sex lives. But the al-Wafa hospital in Gaza has been providing this service for years, and it is hardly atypical. Many assume that Islamic charities are merely a guise for promoting terrorism, writes Sara Roy, a Middle East scholar at Harvard. In her new book about social services in Gaza, based on trips to the strip over the past 15 years, she argues that the reality is more complex.
幾乎沒有人意想到伊斯蘭教慈善團體會向殘疾人士提供關于性方面的講習班以及改善性生活的方法。但是在加沙的以色列的醫院已經提供此項服務很多年了，所以這已成為司空見慣的事請了。很多人認為伊斯蘭教的慈善團體只不過是促進恐怖主義的偽裝，也正如一個在哈佛的中東學者薩拉羅伊所寫那樣。在關于加沙社會福利事業的新書中，基于她過去15年去加沙地帶的出行，她認為現實情況更復雜。
Palestinians are pragmatic when it comes to social care. Many go from one organisation to the nextboth Islamic and secularto scavenge as much support as they can, regardless of politics or ideology. Parents often choose religious schools and hospitals because the services are better there than those provided by secular NGOs or the feeble Palestinian state. Palestinians of all social classes, including the secular and the wealthy, send their children to Islamic schools, just like many agnostic London parents send their children to church schools renowned for their discipline and education.
一提到社會福利，巴勒斯坦人就很現實。無論哪種政治還是意識形態，許多人從一個組織轉向下一個組織盡可能搜尋到較多的支持者。父母通常會選擇宗教學校和醫院，因為其服務比民間的非政府組織或低效率的的巴勒斯坦政府所提供的好。各個階層的巴基斯坦人，包括平民和富人，都把他們的孩子送去伊斯蘭學校，正如很多倫敦的不可知論者把他們的孩子送去以嚴格的紀律和良好的教育著稱的教會學校一樣。
Some employees of Islamic NGOs sound equally sanguine about the role of religion. One director of an organisation that distributes money, clothing and food to the poor tells Ms Roy that beyond appropriate dress and respectful behaviour , he was not concerned with the religious purity of those he served. He is happy to help anyone in need: if we discriminate we become fanatics.
一些伊斯蘭非政府組織的從業人員對宗教的地位的看法聽起來同樣也很樂觀。一個給窮人分配錢、衣服和食物的組織理事告訴羅伊女士，除了合適的衣服和恭敬的行為，他并不在乎他服務的人的宗教虔誠度。他很高興可以幫助任何有需要的人：如果我們歧視他們，我們就會成為盲信者。
The social work that Hamas does has certainly empowered the organisation. But Ms Roy argues that this indirect appeal for votes is very different from mobilising people into collective action in support of an activist Islamist agenda. It is not as if Hamas uses its social institutions to launch political or military activities, she adds.
哈馬斯所提供的社會服務肯定已經給這個組織授予了權力。但是羅伊女士認為這種間接的請求選舉的行為與動員人們參加集體行動來支持伊斯蘭激進主義分子的基礎的意識方案不同。她還說這不像伊斯蘭抵抗派利用其社會制度來開展政治或軍事活動。
When Ms Roy began conducting research in Gaza 25 years ago, she found little popular support for a political agenda built on Islam. A determined secular streak runs through Palestinian society, she maintains. Rather than Palestinians becoming more Islamist, Hamas has had to broaden its definition of Islam and Muslimness in order to claim and maintain as large a number of adherents as possible. As a movement that is political at heart, not religious, Hamas has been forced to de-ideologise Islam and appeal to more practical needs to ensure its political survival.
羅伊女士25年前開始在加沙進行研究，她發現很少人支持基于伊斯蘭教的政治議程。她認為一個堅定的世俗傾向貫穿于整個巴勒斯坦社會。伊斯蘭抵抗運動不得不擴大伊斯蘭教和伊斯蘭人的定義，目的在于擁有和保持盡可能多的信徒，而不是使巴勒斯坦人成為伊斯蘭教主義者。作為一個本質上是政治而非宗教的運動，哈馬斯被迫減少伊斯蘭教的思想意識并且要求更多的實質需要來確保其政治生存。
But Hamas s hegemony is now under threat. Gaza s radical Muslim Salafists accuse the group of political and religious treason, claiming that by engaging in elections and in governing Gaza, Hamas has undermined both its nationalist and Islamic credentials. Desperate to contain the Salafists and remain the sole agent of political and social Islam in Palestine, Hamas has encouraged, albeit carefully and cautiously, the greater Islamisation of Gazan society. This is done largely through its social arm, by enforcing conservative dresscodes in schools, banning alcohol and warning against dating.
但是哈馬斯的領導權現在受到威脅。加沙激進的穆斯林薩拉斯菲特者指控這個組織政治和宗教的不忠，聲稱他們通過參加選舉和統治加沙，暗地里傷害其民族主義者和伊斯蘭的信心。哈馬斯不顧一切地牽制薩拉斯菲特人并且保持伊斯蘭在巴勒斯坦的政治和社會獨家代理的地位。即使哈馬斯很小心和謹慎，但是他們仍然鼓勵加沙社會變得更伊斯蘭化。這一舉動絕大部分地通過社會武裝，例如在學校實施保守的服裝規則，禁止喝酒和警告不準約會。
Ms Roy strives not to speak for Palestinians, but to let their voices reverberate. One woman tells her, This is what you must teach others. That we are no different than you. These are the book s most powerful moments, and one of its great strengths. Palestinians appear not simply as victims but as ordinary human beings with typical needs and concerns amid extraordinary circumstances. Ms Roy s work is one of academic scholarship, rigorous and precise, and not designed for the speedy turn of pages. But this is an important book, which challenges lazy views about the Palestinians and highlights how they go about securing basic services.
羅伊女士并非要設法為巴勒斯坦人說話,她只是努力讓他們的聲音產生廣泛的影響。一位婦女告訴她，這就是你必須教別人的東西。我們和你沒什么不同。這些就是這本書最強有力的片段了，也是它主要的優勢。巴勒斯坦人不僅僅是受害者，而是在這特別的環境下有著常人的需求和憂慮的平凡人。羅伊女士的作品是一門嚴謹精確的學術學問，而不是用來快速瀏覽的書籍。但這是一本重要的書，它不僅向關于巴勒斯坦人未經深思熟慮的觀點挑戰，而且強調他們如何繼續保衛基本社會福利事業。
